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Hungary: Vance visit to Budapest

Posted by Europe correspondent on

Brussels 08.04.2026 Vice President JD Vance’s visit to Hungary this week, days ahead of the country’s national elections, is officially intended to deepen ties with the European nation. Inside Hungary, however, the visit is viewed mainly as an attempt to boost longtime Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, whose grip on power is facing its biggest test in years.

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Amid Iran war is raging, gas prices are rising and spending battles endure on Capitol Hill the No. 2 man undertook a trip in Budapest.

Endorsed by President Donald Trump, the Hungarian Prime minister Viktor Orban has been pictured as a model for the rest of Europe by U.S. administration officials, being the Hungary First adept, and the realpoltik operator towards Kremlin.

In fact, the two adminstrations have drawn so close in recent years that Orbán told reporters this period was a “golden era” of U.S.-Hungary relations, marked by growing economic and defense cooperation.

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Meanwhile, Vance underlined the “moral cooperation” between the two adminstrations, explicitly referring to the “Christian civilization and Christian values” they share at a joint press conference in Budapest on Tuesday, April 7.

It’s unusual for a high-profile American official to visit a country so close to an important election, and it’s seen as a signal of the lengths the U.S. administration is willing to go to support a loyal European ally.

However the trip also comes at a critical moment in the war with Iran: Vance visited Hungary on Tuesday evening when Trump’s ultimatum for Iran to reopen the Strait of Hormuz expired.
Vance has recently been at the center of ongoing efforts to broker an end to the conflict, as it enters its sixth week.

Trump said the vice president “could be” involved in an in-person meeting to negotiate an end to the Iran war when reporters asked about the possibility Monday. When Vance’s trip to Hungary was announced last week, speculation mounted that he could add a stop somewhere to engage with Iranian officials.

Among administration officials, Vance has been one of the most critical of traditional American allies in Europe, claiming during a speech in Munich early in his term that leaders there were suppressing free speech, losing control of immigration and refusing to work with hard-right parties in government.

Tuesday’s visit comes amid new strains between Washington and most of Europe, as Trump has repeatedly said he’s reconsidering American commitment to NATO after leaders in the alliance refused his demands to send naval assets to reopen the Strait of Hormuz.

Meanwhile, Orbán has worked to cultivate ties to Trump’s MAGA movement, which has come to share his criticism for Europe’s liberal democracies. The Prime minister’s lengthy tenure has been marked by hardline immigration policies, which caused clashes with Brussels burocracy, eager to flood Europe with migrants who supposedly would enrich mutliculturalism, and invigorate labor market with young, skilled workpower.

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In a conversation with AP journalists in early April, Magyar stated that the upcoming elections would be a “referendum on the country’s future and its place in the world.” Since Orbán frequently clashes directly with the EU over his reluctance to sever energy cooperation with Moscow and continue financial support for Ukraine, many European politicians would welcome the rise of Tisza. However, as Politico notes, contrary to European expectations, Magyar does not promise change on the Ukrainian front. Like Orbán, he opposes arms supplies to the Ukrainian Armed Forces; Magyar also speaks of the infringement of the rights of the Hungarian minority in Ukraine and does not see Ukraine as part of the EU. Tisza MEPs voted against a €90 billion loan to Ukraine in the European Parliament, the publication notes.

“Nobody wants a pro-Ukrainian government,” Magyar said at a pre-election rally on March 28. Tisza’s election platform states that it opposes Ukraine’s “accelerated” accession to the EU. It also asserts that Hungary should very gradually reduce its oil and gas purchases from Russia and abandon them entirely only by 2035, eight years after the EU deadline. As Balkan Insight journalists note, this reflects Tisza’s desire for balance: the party positions itself as less radical than Fidesz, but not too close to the Brussels elite.

In an April interview with the Associated Press, Magyar also announced a “pragmatic” approach to Russia. “Pragmatism means we cannot talk about Russia’s internal affairs, and they have no say in ours. We are sovereign countries, and we respect each other. But we don’t have to like each other,” he explained. However, during the election campaign, Magyar repeatedly criticized Orbán for calling for Russian troops to leave Hungary early in his career, in 1989, and for now becoming “the Kremlin’s most loyal ally.” “Mr. Prime Minister, why don’t you tell the Russians to go home anymore?” he asked the prime minister.

Magyar claimed on social media, citing a publication by the investigative portal Vsquare, that Russian intelligence officers had allegedly arrived in Budapest from Moscow to disinform voters in favor of Fidesz. In an open letter to the head of Tisza, Russian Ambassador to Hungary Yevgeny Stanislavov emphasized that Russia, unlike the EU leadership, respects Hungary’s sovereignty and does not interfere in its internal affairs.

Regarding Hungary’s relations with the EU, Magyar primarily promises to secure the EU funds intended for Hungary. He attempted to establish contact with his potential allies at the Munich Security Conference in February, arranging meetings with German Chancellor Friedrich Merz and Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, among other things. However, his statements following these consultations were rather restrained. After meeting with Merz, he emphasized the priority of returning European funds to Hungary, and in a conversation with Tusk, he reiterated his opposition to Ukraine’s forced accession to the EU. Notably, Magyar did not meet with any of the heads of EU institutions.

Politico notes that Magyar is a “conundrum for the EU” because he makes rather vague foreign policy promises. “As a result, he continues to keep Brussels at arm’s length to deflect Orbán’s accusations that he is von der Leyen’s puppet,” the publication concludes.

It is noteworthy that Magyar also avoids making comments about US President Donald Trump, who has already expressed public support for Orbán and sent Vice President J.D. Vance to Budapest on the eve of the elections; he will visit Hungary on April 7–8.

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